Ninoy Aquino Was Not Alone
/Subsequent investigation by a Fact-Finding Commission pointed to elements of the Aviation Security Command of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) as those responsible for his assassination, but it failed to pinpoint who was the mastermind.
Today, that still remains a mystery.
The date of Ninoy's murder actually coincided with the bombing of Plaza Miranda in 1971 that led to the suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus and, more than a year later, the declaration of martial law on September 21, 1972.
Ninoy Aquino's brazen murder unleashed mass protests in various venues in Metro Manila and other urban centers, demanding justice for the slain opposition leader, an end to martial law, and the ouster of Marcos.
We distinctly remember going to Santo Domingo Church to join thousands who had lined up for hours just to catch a glimpse of the fallen opposition figure and pay our last respects.
Aquino’s funeral (Source; Time Magazine)
On the day of his funeral, an estimated several million Filipinos lined up in the streets of Metro Manila to show their outrage over the dastardly murder.
The huge crowd that gathered for his funeral would be replicated two-and-a-half years later, in February 1986, in what is now known as the EDSA People Power revolt that toppled the Marcos regime and sent him fleeing into exile in Hawaii where he died in 1989.
The Cory years
At the end of the People Power revolt, Ninoy's wife Corazon "Cory" Cojuangco Aquino assumed the presidency and began the process of restoring the democratic space that had been severely curtailed under 14 years of martial law.
True to her word to unite the nation, President Cory released political prisoners, including leaders of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and its armed wing, the New People' Army (NPA). She also appointed key leaders of the political opposition to her Cabinet and to various positions at the local level.
Corazon C. Aquino, during the campaign trail against Ferdinand Marcos.
The 1987 Constitution drawn up by an appointed Constitutional Commission made the declaration of martial law by the president contingent on subsequent approval by Congress, instead of the sole prerogative of the Chief Executive under the 1935 Constitution.
It also established the party-list system that allowed the marginalized and underrepresented sectors such as labor, farmers, women, youth, and the disabled to sit in Congress.
The same Constitution also contained another provision aimed at strengthening Philippine democracy by prohibiting political dynasties that had expanded their power and influence under martial law. The framers of the charter, however, left it to Congress to pass an enabling law. That was a fatal flaw as it allowed lawmakers dominated by entrenched political families to rule in the old way, that is, through "guns, goons, and gold" to ensure their hold on power.
It was also during the Cory administration that security forces gunned down farmers demonstrating peacefully right near the gates of the presidential palace demanding agrarian reform. At the same time, paramilitary groups organized by the military roamed the countryside hunting down suspected rebels and their sympathizers, including priests helping the poor assert their rights.
Cory managed to survive seven attempts by disgruntled military elements during her six-year term. This showed the extent to which some elements in the military had become too politicized during the martial law era and refused to abide by the constitutional mandate that civilian authority is at all times supreme over the military.
The post-Cory years
While Ninoy's assassination sparked street protests that culminated in People Power in 1986, the restoration of democracy ushered in new sets of leaders and made possible piecemeal reforms, but it did not dismantle oligarchic rule or achieve the elusive goal of peace.
After Cory, the five succeeding administrations of Fidel Ramos, Joseph Estrada, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, and Noynoy Aquino all said they would bring about change: everyone said they would stop corruption and fight poverty. While there has been sustained economic growth since the downfall of the Marcos dictatorship in 1986, fundamental problems remain. Chief among these, from where we sit, is the wide gap between the rich and the poor in Philippine society that continues to fuel popular discontent and armed rebellion.
;The Duterte administration took power in 2016 with promises to eradicate within three to six months both the drug problem as well as pervasive corruption. The war on illegal drugs continues up to now—five years later—with around 8,000 fatalities from what authorities claim were legitimate police operations where alleged drug suspects chose to fight it out rather than surrender. Local and international human rights groups, however, claim that the casualties actually add up to between 20,000 to 30,000 due to extrajudicial killings. The International Criminal Court (ICC) wants to conduct a full-dress investigation of the role played by Duterte and Philippine authorities in the violent war on drugs.
“The restoration of democracy ushered in new sets of leaders and made possible piecemeal reforms, but it did not dismantle oligarchic rule or achieve the elusive goal of peace. ”
Duterte officially steps down from office on June 30, 2022 after a constitutional mandated term of six years in office without re-election. But he has also said he is considering running for vice-president—and the ruling political party enthusiastically welcomes the idea as it would cement their hold on power and the pelf and privilege that come with it. He apparently wants to be the next vice president, with either his daughter Sara Duterte Carpio or longtime aide Christopher "Bong" Go as president, as this would ostensibly ensure "continuity" and address "unfinished business." This is a brazen attempt to hold on to power beyond his term, as well as a subterfuge to shield himself from accountability for the bloody outcome of his war on drugs.
Ninoy: Hero or not?
On the 38th anniversary of Ninoy's assassination this year, the question must be asked: What is his legacy? Was coming home from political exile and making the ultimate sacrifice all worth it?
It would be a gross mistake to put Ninoy Aquino on a pedestal and give him much of the credit for the restoration of democracy that People Power represented in 1986.
It is true that Ninoy Aquino decided to come home to help untangle the state of affairs in the country that by 1983 had already suffered nine years of strongman rule.
But it wasn't just Ninoy who championed democracy under 14 years of martial law.
As early as the onset of the 1970s, various sectors Philippine society had begun to launch street protests against the Marcos regime for subservience to the Americans, corruption and incompetence. Ninoy had been one of those who had openly spoken out against Marcos. He was joined by other opposition stalwarts, such as Senators Jose W. Diokno, Lorenzo Tañada, and Aquilino "Nene" Pimentel Jr., among many others, who also bore the brunt of repression by the regime, more so after martial law was imposed in 1972.
Ninoy was among the first to be picked up by the military upon the declaration of martial law in 1972. He spent years in solitary confinement until he was set free in the late 1970s to undergo medical treatment for a heart ailment in Boston, Massachusetts.
Thousands more Filipinos from the ranks of the youth, farmers, labor, religious sector, community organizers had to endure arrest, torture and prolonged detention for simply criticizing Marcos, whether out in the street or in both the mainstream and alternative media.
We remember and honor Ninoy Aquino on his 38th death anniversary this year for his consistent stand against tyranny during the Marcos regime. But he was not alone. Many others also gave up their lives to bring the country out of the darkness and into the light. They, too, deserve to be recognized as authentic heroes; they are now memorialized in the Bantayog ng mga Bayani that now stands as fitting recognition of their selfless commitment to justice, freedom and democracy under the most trying circumstances.
Ernesto M. Hilario studied Political Science at the University of the Philippines and has worked for various government agencies, NGOs and mainstream media since 1978. He writes a regular column for the Manila Standard broadsheet and also works as a freelance writer-editor.
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